| Holocaust, Jewish (1939-1945) |
| World War, 1939-1945 -- Concentration camps |
| Concentration camps -- History -- 20th century. |
| World War, 1939-1945 -- Prisoners and prisons, German |
| World War, 1939-1945 -- Atrocities -- Germany |
| Catastrophe, Jewish (1939-1945) |
| Destruction of the Jews (1939-1945) |
| Extermination, Jewish (1939-1945) |
| Holocaust, Nazi (Jewish Holocaust) |
| Ḥurban (1939-1945) |
| Ḥurbn (1939-1945) |
| Jewish Catastrophe (1939-1945) |
| Jewish Holocaust (1939-1945) |
| Jews -- Nazi persecution (1939-1945) |
| Nazi Holocaust (Jewish Holocaust) |
| Nazi persecution of Jews |
| Shoʼah (1939-1945) |
| Death camps |
| Detention camps |
| Extermination camps |
| Internment camps |
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Library | Shelf Number | Shelf Location | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
Searching... Bridgewater Public Library | 940.531 WA | NONFICTION | Searching... Unknown |
Searching... East Bridgewater Public Library | 940.5318 WAC 2015 | NONFICTION | Searching... Unknown |
Searching... Fall River Main | 940.531 W114 | Stacks | Searching... Unknown |
Searching... Foxboro - Boyden Library | 940.5318 WACHSMANN | NONFICTION | Searching... Unknown |
Searching... Mattapoisett Free Public Library | 940.531 WAC 2015 | NONFICTION | Searching... Unknown |
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Summary
Summary
Winner of the 2016 Mark Lynton History Prize
Winner of the 2015 Wolfson History Prize
A Wall Street Journal Best Book of 2015
A Kirkus Reviews Best History Book of 2015
Finalist for the National Jewish Book Award in the Holocaust category
The first comprehensive history of the Nazi concentration camps
In a landmark work of history, Nikolaus Wachsmann offers an unprecedented, integrated account of the Nazi concentration camps from their inception in 1933 through their demise, seventy years ago, in the spring of 1945. The Third Reich has been studied in more depth than virtually any other period in history, and yet until now there has been no history of the camp system that tells the full story of its broad development and the everyday experiences of its inhabitants, both perpetrators and victims, and all those living in what Primo Levi called "the gray zone."
In KL , Wachsmann fills this glaring gap in our understanding. He not only synthesizes a new generation of scholarly work, much of it untranslated and unknown outside of Germany, but also presents startling revelations, based on many years of archival research, about the functioning and scope of the camp system. Examining, close up, life and death inside the camps, and adopting a wider lens to show how the camp system was shaped by changing political, legal, social, economic, and military forces,Wachsmann produces a unified picture of the Nazi regime and its camps that we have never seen before.
A boldly ambitious work of deep importance, KL is destined to be a classic in the history of the twentieth century.
Reviews (4)
Publisher's Weekly Review
"The concentration camps embodied the spirit of Nazism like no other institution in the Third Reich," writes Wachsmann (Hitler's Prisons)-at least 2.3 million people passed through them; at least 1.7 million died in them-and yet there exists no comprehensive analysis of the camp system, its principles and dynamics, or the forces and people that shaped it. Wachsmann, of Birkbeck College, University of London, fills that gap brilliantly. Working from a mass of documentary evidence-some of which was only made available in the last quarter century-and with a corresponding body of first-person accounts, he establishes the camps, referred to as KL (from the German konzentrationslager), at the center of the Nazi terror system. Wachsmann demonstrates that "the main constant of the KL was change," and the system's protean, responsive nature sustained and exemplified the Reich. He clears up many popular misconceptions about the camps. Whatever was needed, be it mass killing or sustaining the war effort by slave labor, the KL served to extend the Reich's lifespan. "The closer [the] men, women, and children were to freedom [as the war dragged on], the more likely they were to die in the concentration camps." Wachsmann's exhaustive study will be seen as the authoritative work on the subject. (Apr.) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.
New York Review of Books Review
OF AN ESTIMATED 2.3 million prisoners who entered the hell of the Nazi concentration camps, over 1.7 million were killed, whether gassed or worked to their skeletal ends. Many went straight to their deaths, including about 870,000 Jews murdered on arrival and without registration at Auschwitz; others endured a slower annihilation, reduced to what Hannah Arendt called "ghastly marionettes with human faces." Millions more were killed in other ways, but there were also survivors, and at the end of "KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps," his monumental study of the SS camps, Nikolaus Wachsmann focuses on one. His name is Moritz Choinowski, a Polish-born Jew detained by the Gestapo in 1939 in the German town of Magdeburg. By the time of his liberation on April 29, 1945, Choinowski has survived Buchenwald, Auschwitz, a slowly growing German camp called Gross-Rosen and finally Dachau, as well as the night-marish forms of transportation between them. "Is this possible?" he sobs in the Dachau infirmary. It was, just. Through his atrocious odyssey, Choinowski experienced the various degrees of Nazi depravity under Hitler. There were gradations of horror. The camps evolved as Hitler's regime threw off every last constraint in the maelstrom of all-out war. They were not monolithic. One of the merits of "KL" (a common abbreviation of Konzentrationslager, or concentration camp) is the way it captures the inexorable slide, over a 12-year arc, from fierce repression and cruelty to systematic murder and industrialized extermination. As Wachsmann writes: "In a radical totalitarian state like the Third Reich, terror did not decrease after the regime established itself. Nazi leaders pursued ever more extreme aims, and so the KL expanded, even as domestic political opposition diminished." Dachau in 1933 - when it was established near Munich as the first of what would become 27 main SS camps - and Auschwitz in 1944 were utterly distinct. Yet they belonged to the same lawless universe. Dachau, at the outset, targeted political opponents of the Nazis, often Communists, subjecting them to harsh imprisonment and occasionally capricious murder. Auschwitz, by the penultimate year of the war, was a sprawling death complex, its gas chambers filled with the screams of the dying, its crematoriums smoking endlessly: a flesh-fed destruction line for European Jewry, Gypsies and others. As Primo Levi would put it, "Trains heavily laden with human beings went in each day, and all that came out was the ashes of their bodies, their hair, the gold of their teeth." In this descent to the nadir of human iniquity the camp, in all its forms, was central. Wachsmann writes, "The concentration camps embodied the spirit of Nazism like no other institution in the Third Reich." That spirit emanated ultimately from Hitler himself through his chosen chief henchman, the SS leader Heinrich Himmler, "the undisputed master of the Third Reich terror machine," who became chief of police in 1936. It was sustained by a corps of SS lifers of strikingly similar backgrounds - born around the turn of the 20th century, shaped by the humiliation of German defeat in World War I, radicalized by the paramilitary struggle against the Weimar Republic and at last let loose to indulge every sadistic fantasy (as well as enjoy the considerable perks of their posts, like the swimming pool and tennis courts at Dachau). Their modus operandi was well captured by one SS officer, Hans Loritz, who, when he took over the Esterwegen camp in 1934, declared: "In regards to discipline, I am a swine." Typical was Rudolf Höss. He was born in 1900 (the same year as Himmler), wounded in the war, recruited to the SS in 1933, became a Dachau sentry in 1934, was promoted to officer rank (Untersturmführer) in 1936, moved to Sachsenhausen in 1938, before rising in 1940 to become commandant at Auschwitz, where, as he put it in his memoir, "Every wish of my wife, of my children, was met." His family lived in a large villa, and Frau Höss had a retinue of female prisoners working as tailors and hairdressers. Once absolute power had been learned at the repressive level, it could readily be extended to the annihilationist level. The camps nourished their own, pushing their overseers to levels of brutality perhaps not even they had imagined at the outset. Wachsmann, a history professor at London University's Birkbeck College, has written a work of prodigious scholarship. At 865 pages, it is, in every sense, no light read. In fact it is claustrophobic in its evocation of the depths to which people can succumb. Readers may find themselves wanting out, but there is always worse to come. The book does not upend our understanding of the camp system, whose core elements are well known by now. But it imbues them with agonizing human texture and extraordinary detail. This is as relentless a chronicle of the collapse of an entire society and civilization - from its doctors drawn to every inhuman experiment to its foot soldiers looting the dead - as may be imagined. Were the SS camps "typically German," as some prisoners believed? Wachsmann answers that this "seems doubtful" in that "the men behind the KL system were far more invested in radical Nazi ideology than most ordinary Germans, who felt more ambivalent about the camps." It is unclear what the evidence for this ambivalence is. He suggests that "the role of the camps in the Nazi Final Solution did not fully penetrate public consciousness." Yet he himself demonstrates how integral to German racial designs, the German economy, German industry, German medical fantasies and German territorial expansionism the camps became. By the end of the war their myriad satellite industrial camps were everywhere, hard to ignore. The SS camps were the expression of the Nazi ideology to which Germans, in their overwhelming majority, acquiesced. They existed to free Europe of Jews and other undesirables, lock in the Aryan master race, empty the east of its citizens for German Lebensraum and cow any resistance through systematic terror. For a dozen years, and with steady intensification, they did their foul work, mostly ignored by the Allies despite growing evidence of the Nazi genocide. MANY FASCINATING DETAILS EMERGE: the early clash between Himmler and Hermann Göring, who wanted to roll back the excesses of the camps; the first use of Zyklon B pellets in 1941 at Auschwitz for the killing of Soviet prisoners of war ("One could see that these people had scratched and bitten each other in a fit of madness before they died," one witness observed); the links, moral and technical, between the early euthanasia programs in Germany and the mass gassings in Poland; how pleased Höss was that this method was less stressful for the SS than shootings - "all of us would be spared these blood baths"; the terrible corruptive force of terror and the fight to survive, evident in the Kapo system and even in the decision of some prison doctors at Auschwitz to kill newborn babies in order to save their mothers, who would otherwise have been murdered. It is sobering to reflect that three of the most murderous places - Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka - do not fall within the scope of the book because, as death camps exclusively rather than also work camps, they were not part of the SS network, reporting to authorities in Lublin rather than Berlin. One Olga Lengyel arrives in Auschwitz determined to protect her son from hard labor. She is asked by an SS physician (strange oxymoron), Dr. Fritz Klein, how old her son is. She says he is under 13, although he looks older. The boy is promptly sent to the gas. As Wachsmann writes, "Those under the age of 14 were almost all gassed on arrival." After the war, Lengyel writes in despair, "How should I have known?" How indeed could anyone, so far had the Nazis gone in the application of the unthinkable. Wachsmann makes the unimaginable palpable. That is his great achievement. It is therefore strange that he bitterly attacks the psychologist Bruno Bettelheim, a survivor of Dachau and Buchenwald, for saying the Jews of Europe had gone "like lemmings" to the gas. This, he writes, is "grievously wrong." But the fact is a vast majority of Jews killed in the camps or shot dead in the forests put up scant resistance. They could not believe what was about to happen to them. Out of this unimaginable experience came the never-again Zionism that led to the creation in 1948 of the modern state of Israel. To the last, Hitler and Himmler hounded the camps' prisoners, trying to efface traces of the mass murder, driving them on death marches that took droves of emaciated Jews to Germany from Poland. The Allies could not believe what they found in Dachau, Bergen-Belsen, Buchenwald and elsewhere. To be frank, they had not really cared to pay much attention. Justice, inevitably, was imperfect. Quickly, Cold War imperatives took over from the quest for justice: West Germany was needed to fight Stalin. Germany slowly recovered and in the end was made whole. The mystery remains. The Holocaust can never quite be digested, even when it is dissected into such minute detail. Buchenwald stood near Goethe's hometown, Weimar. As Wachsmann writes, the connection with Goethe could not be severed: "A large oak tree, under which he had supposedly met with his muse, stood right on the new camp grounds; because it was protected, the SS had to build around it." They did and, step by step, Höss and his ilk found a way to usher Germany from the inspiration of its greatest writer to the inferno of mass murder. The camps evolved as Hitler's regime threw off every last constraint. ROGER COHEN is a columnist for The Times and the author, most recently, of "The Girl From Human Street: Ghosts of Memory in a Jewish Family."
Guardian Review
A huge and necessary contribution to our understanding of this chilling subject A common belief about the concentration camps (Konzentrationslager, hence the abbreviation "KL") is that the mass of the German people did not know about them. This idea is exploded early on in KL. The concentration camp came into being very quickly indeed after the Nazis came to power. In Berlin, during 1933, there were 170, often placed in working-class districts so that leftwing agitators could see (or hear) what was in store for them. (Jews did not start filling them up until later, and they were never -- surprisingly -- in a majority in any given camp. But you can be sure they were the worst treated.) The infrastructure did not exist then: people were incarcerated in abandoned warehouses, factories, even tugboats. People knew very well about them. It was only later that the camps were moved to more out-of-the-way places, and even then rumour did not die down. How could it? By 1944, they extended from the Gulf of Finland to Yugoslavia, from Lublin to Alderney. Once the SA, the "Brownshirts", were brutally removed from the picture in the "Night of the Long Knives", the camps were Himmler's responsibility, if Hitler's brainchild: as he used to repeat ad nauseam, he got the idea from the British in South Africa, although the details and examples of absolute cruelty were refinements added by the Germans. The gulag system in Soviet Russia was considerably less murderous: you had a 90% chance of surviving it, and 50% of surviving a concentration camp. (You may think the latter a rather high figure but bear in mind the demarcation between a KL and a camp intended purely as a killing machine, such as Treblinka.) That the camps mushroomed could hardly have come as a surprise under a regime whose essence, as Wachsmann puts it, was torture. In Dachau, in March 1933, prisoners, in their own clothes, were fed bread, sausage and tea, and the guards, who were policemen, would hand out cigarettes; within a few weeks, the SS took over, and that all changed for ever. The savagery detailed in these pages is astonishing. This could go beyond death: the three-year-old, for example, who was recorded as having died of "old age" on his death certificate. Parts of this book tested me, not only as a reader, but as a reviewer, to my limit: I could not finish the section about the medical experiments performed on prisoners. Particularly sickening is how it was all normalised. The national passion for order is a cliche but no caricature. Martin Amis picked up on this in his novel Zone of Interest, but it is chilling here to read that the ideal SS managers were "ambitious young men who combined experience of modern business administration with firm commitment to the Nazi cause". The bureaucracy was extensive enough to survive attempts to destroy it as the war in Europe drew to its close: Wachsmann has had more than ample material for his research. How anyone can doubt the existence or purpose of these camps today is beyond comprehension. This is both a panoptic and an intimate history of the camps: we get the big picture as well as the telling detail (the SS officer who opened doors with his elbow rather than his hand because he was worried about germs). It is a huge and very necessary contribution to our understanding of this obscene subject. It makes us think anew: about how the camps worked, what it was like in them and how they fitted into the machinery of the state. One preconception that it cannot challenge is that this was the most disgusting episode of human history, and one that is not even, still, a lifetime away. - Nicholas Lezard.
Kirkus Review
A harrowing, thorough study of the Nazi camps that gathers a staggering amount of useful and necessary information on the collective catastrophe.In a tightly organized, systematic narrative, Wachsmann (Modern European History/Birkbeck Coll., Univ. of London; Hitler's Prisons: Legal Terror in Nazi Germany, 2004, etc.) presents an "integrated" treatment of the Konzentrationslager of the title that moves beyond any attempt to endow the camps with universal meaning. He looks at forces both inside and outside the camps, from Hitler's ascension in early 1933 to the liberation by the Allies in the spring of 1945. The author tries to move away from looking at the camps as occupying "some metaphysical realm" and stick to primary sources that reveal the voices of the prisoners and the perpetrators. To deal with the mass arrest of Hitler's enemies in the spring and summer of 1933, the earliest camps morphed from existing workhouses and state prisons located all over Germany (Wachsmann provides maps of the camps as they evolved over the years), housing mostly political prisoners and communists, with Jews constituting only a small percentage, to a template fixed at Dachau, which SS leader and Munich police president Heinrich Himmler established as the "first concentration camp." Schooled in brutal, bloodthirsty methods, the guards were encouraged to treat the prisoners as animals, running the camps in relentless military fashion, employing routine terror, forced labor and euphemisms regarding the murders of inmates as "suicides" and "shot trying to escape" for PR purposes. The camp system grew with the purge of SA leader Ernst Rhm and other "renegades" in July 1934 and took off with the Kristallnacht pogrom of November 1938, after which Jews numbered predominately. As the war progressed, so did the methods of mass extermination, from mass shootings to the Auschwitz gas chamber: first weak prisoners, then Soviet POWs, then Jews. A comprehensive, encyclopedic work that should be included in the collections of libraries, schools and other institutions. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Table of Contents
| List of Maps | p. xi |
| Prologue | p. 3 |
| 1 Early Camps | p. 23 |
| A Bloody Spring and Summer | p. 26 |
| Coordination | p. 45 |
| Open Terror | p. 63 |
| 2 The SS Camp System | p. 79 |
| A Permanent Exception | p. 83 |
| The Camp SS | p. 100 |
| Prisoner Worlds | p. 118 |
| 3 Expansion | p. 136 |
| Social Outsiders | p. 139 |
| Forced Labor | p. 157 |
| Jews | p. 171 |
| 4 War | p. 190 |
| The Camp SS at War | p. 191 |
| Road to Perdition | p. 209 |
| Scales of Suffering | p. 225 |
| 5 Mass Extermination | p. 240 |
| Killing the Weak | p. 242 |
| Executing Soviet POWs | p. 258 |
| Murderous Utopias | p. 274 |
| 6 Holocaust | p. 289 |
| Auschwitz and the Nazi Final Solution | p. 291 |
| Factories of Death | p. 302 |
| Genocide and the KL System | p. 318 |
| 7 Anus Mundi | p. 338 |
| Jewish Prisoners in the East | p. 342 |
| SS Routines | p. 360 |
| Plunder and Corruption | p. 376 |
| 8 Economics and Extermination | p. 392 |
| Oswald Pohl and the WVHA | p. 393 |
| Slave Labor | p. 410 |
| "Guinea Pigs" | p. 427 |
| 9 Camps Unbound | p. 444 |
| In Extremis | p. 447 |
| Satellite Camps | p. 464 |
| The Outside World | p. 479 |
| 10 Impossible Choices | p. 497 |
| Coerced Communities | p. 499 |
| Kapos | p. 512 |
| Defiance | p. 527 |
| 11 Death or Freedom | p. 542 |
| The Beginning of the End | p. 545 |
| Apocalypse | p. 560 |
| The Final Weeks | p. 576 |
| Epilogue | p. 595 |
| Appendix: Tables | |
| Table 1 Daily Inmate Numbers in the SS Concentration Camps, 1934-45 | p. 627 |
| Table 2 Prisoner Deaths in SS Concentration Camps | p. 628 |
| Table 3 SS Ranks, with Army Equivalents | p. 629 |
| Notes | p. 631 |
| Sources | p. 779 |
| Acknowledgments | p. 827 |
| Index | p. 831 |